【蓮舫①】蓮舫無双、炸裂！癒着政治の疑惑を徹底批判【都知事選対談】

【蓮舫①】蓮舫無双、炸裂！癒着政治の疑惑を徹底批判【都知事選対談】

Finally, we have Renho here with us. Thank you for coming. Thank you for having me. Renho, the Tokyo gubernatorial race is really heating up. Is that so? –Yes, it’s really buzzing. Well, each time we conduct street activities, more and more people come to see us. Yes, I can see that. Yes, I’m trying to answer as many questions as I can. Thank you. I enjoyed the recent public debate. It was quite intense. Yes, it was very exciting and quite entertaining. I found it entertaining too. You really stood out in that debate, getting to the heart of the issues. Well, I’m used to it from my time in the National Diet. You really know how to cut through the noise. There were a few memorable exchanges, particularly around administrative reforms and transparency, which I think resonate with the public. Can we go over some of those points? Sure. Under Governor Koike’s administration, the initiative for transparency has progressed significantly over the past eight years. That’s something I highly commend. However, it’s unfortunate that there hasn’t been much progress beyond that. For example, it’s reported that 810 billion yen was secured over those eight years. While we have data showing how much each project cost was reduced, we lack the underlying data to see how these reductions were achieved. Underlying data? Yes, the budget data. For instance, if a 13 million yen project was reduced to 10 million yen, we know the reduction was 3 million yen, but we don’t know how that reduction was achieved. Ah, the context is missing. Exactly. Was the contract renegotiated? Was there a change in execution strategy? Was it due to efficiency improvements? Normally, these details are provided, but here they’re missing. Additionally, Governor Koike’s approach to administrative reforms involves evaluating projects only after they are completed. Evaluating a project after it’s finished only identifies leftover funds, which in government terms, are just unspent amounts. Real administrative reform should involve mid-year assessments to check ongoing projects, identify areas where funds are underused or overused, and optimize cost-effectiveness throughout the fiscal year. That’s how you achieve true reform. –I see, that makes sense. So, the process needs to be ongoing, not just at the end. For example, in public works, leftover funds at the end of a project are just excess amounts that get carried over to the next year. I want to push for a more proactive approach. Got it. So transparency has improved, but it’s not enough. Exactly, it’s a missed opportunity. There’s so much more that could be done. You mentioned the steering committee system. You seem quite knowledgeable about it. Yes, it’s quite interesting. While the transparency initiatives are commendable, using the steering committee system can sometimes make it hard to check everything. Do you remember Governor Koike’s response when you raised this? What did she say again? She said, "We have posted about 700,000 items on our website, so please check them out." Yes. But even with those 700,000 items posted online, the steering committee’s activities remain opaque, right? Exactly. There’s a law called the Local Autonomy Law that governs the management of public funds in local governments like Tokyo. It has strict guidelines to prevent misuse or pocketing of funds through double-check systems. However, if a project is executed through a steering committee, it falls outside of these regulations. That sounds a bit odd, doesn’t it? It’s like a double standard. For example, the projection mapping project that made the Metropolitan Government Building look lively with appearances by Godzilla and others. Which reportedly cost around 5 billion yen over two years. That’s the project in question, right? Yes. While I don’t dispute the value of tourism policies, from the perspective of administrative reform, the way the money was spent is concerning. Instead of directly commissioning the project, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, Shinjuku City, and the Tokyo Tourism Foundation—a related entity of the Tokyo government— each appointed one person to form a three-member secretariat. Shouldn’t a steering committee involve more participants, like NGOs and private companies? Not necessarily, but when only the government is involved in organizing events, the results can often be disappointing. Not meeting the public’s needs. By involving both public and private sectors, leveraging their strengths and expertise, the committee can plan, execute, and review events more effectively. So the steering committee itself isn’t bad. No, it’s not. But legally speaking, the way funds are used, the contracts made, and the execution methods are entirely opaque. Even though it should be transparent. Exactly, but it’s exempt from transparency requirements. Because it’s not directly part of the Tokyo government. Right. But here’s the strange part: the committee’s office is located within the Tokyo Metropolitan Government Building. Wait, what? And the contact number is also a Tokyo government number. So it’s practically internal. Exactly. If you call and ask for the person in charge, you might be talking to a Tokyo government official wearing two hats: one for the government and one for the committee. That’s confusing. And the funding, which should be shared by the three entities, is 100% covered by the Tokyo government. Wait, so all the money comes from the Tokyo government? Yes. But when asked about it, Tokyo officials say, "The steering committee is a separate entity, so we can’t answer that." So it seems like they’re using the committee to dodge questions. Exactly.So, what happened to the contracts? Where did the money go? "We can’t answer that because it’s a separate organization." But the office and phone number are the same. And that’s how they dodge the questions. If you look into it, you find that the projection mapping project was outsourced to a company that’s a 100% subsidiary of a major ad agency currently banned from public tenders due to the Tokyo Olympics bid-rigging scandal. Can you name the company? It’s Dentsu. Dentsu, right. So despite their ban, they still secured the contract through a subsidiary. What did you just say? Suspension from competitive bidding. They’ve been suspended from competitive bidding? Yes. So, they raised their hand and said, "Let us do the job, we want the contract," but they were given a yellow card, or rather a red card, and were disqualified for a limited time. Despite being disqualified, they still managed to secure the contract. Yes. Through a related company. –A related company, part of the same group. How did a related company manage to get the contract? Well, remember the three-member secretariat? One of the board members of the Tokyo Tourism Foundation is a Dentsu executive. That’s disturbing. And Dentsu is one of the Foundation’s financial backers. Is this a conspiracy theory? No, it’s an urban fact. Not a legend, a fact? Yes, it’s a fact. So the Tokyo Tourism Foundation awarded the project to its own subsidiary. This direct appointment process bypasses even the basic competitive bidding process. Is that even allowed? You know, it’s basically not allowed. But the information was kept closed and only came to light thanks to the efforts of opposition members in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly. They worked hard for a long time to uncover it. That’s impressive. It takes time for such information to come out. Yes, because it’s considered a separate organization. So, this steering committee system, if used properly, is fine, but it has a high potential for misuse. For example, in Kanagawa Prefecture and other municipalities, the assemblies are closely monitoring such practices and have made revisions. If direct commissioning is possible, it’s cheaper and more transparent to skip the steering committee. Therefore, this projection mapping project should have been directly commissioned for greater transparency and cost-effectiveness. So, if you become governor, how would you change this steering committee system? There are good and bad aspects. For instance, if the Tokyo government is funding 100%, direct execution is faster. I see. So, in those cases, would you establish clear rules to bypass the steering committee? Yes, that can be done as part of the administrative reforms. I see, that sounds very reassuring. Yes, it’s a meticulous task, but nobody wants to be suspected of corruption. True. Collusion between officials and businesses is really frustrating to see in national politics. Yes, it creates a lot of distrust. It’s frustrating. That’s why I want to ensure Tokyo is clean in this regard. There’s a lot of room for administrative reform. In the public debate, one standout moment was when you asked if the Jingu Gaien developers had bought party tickets. Do you remember that? Yes, that was surprising. It was shocking. Yes. The Jingu Gaien development is something many people believe should be reconsidered. The idea of cutting down a 100-year-old forest has met significant opposition. Yes, indeed. Originally, the land owned by Meiji Jingu was designated as a Tokyo metropolitan park, so trees couldn’t be cut down, and tall buildings couldn’t be built. But somehow, permission was granted. Yes. So now, two tall buildings are being constructed. It’s impossible to say Tokyo is not involved. Indeed. When asked if the developers bought party tickets, they responded that they acted according to the law. What does that mean? It means they couldn’t outright say, "No, they didn’t buy any tickets." So, they did buy tickets? That’s the only conclusion you can draw. They also mentioned the amounts and scales of these political fund-raising parties in their campaign speeches, right? Yes, the incumbent held a 40 million yen fund-raising party. 40 million yen, that’s huge. Amounts below 200,000 yen don’t have to disclose the donor’s identity. That’s the legal part they mentioned. Exactly. Donations above 200,000 yen are disclosed, but those under 200,000 yen are not. So, they can split donations among many executives or employees. To hide the donors. Right, that way there’s no transparency. So, they can split the donations among many employees or executives, keeping names hidden while still receiving the money. That’s possible under the law. The law itself is being questioned. And that law was made by the Liberal Democratic Party. Indeed. This is a significant issue, but it’s also a national one. How will you handle this as governor? Well, this law is a national issue. Recently, the Kishida administration made some superficial reforms, lowering the disclosure limit from 200,000 yen to 50,000 yen. They did amend it, yes. I asked a senior LDP member about it, and they said it used to be 20,000 yen per ticket. So buying 10 tickets wouldn’t show up. But at 50,000 yen, it’s too high, so they split it into two tickets at 25,000 yen each. Interesting. They’re just splitting them up. –And even raising prices. Exactly. From 20,000 yen to 25,000 yen. Yes, finding loopholes. They reform the law but leave loopholes intact. That’s why, as governor, I won’t hold political fund-raising parties. That’s the clearest stance. I won’t do them. They say politics is expensive, but you believe you can operate without these parties? For the past 20 years, I haven’t relied on parties or corporate donations. Wow. I rely on individual donations, asking people personally. Having ties with corporations or organizations leads to potential collusion. Like lobbyists, trying to influence policy. They might genuinely want to improve their sectors, but forming such ties with specific entities isn’t good. That’s what’s called being a captive legislator. Right. Dealing with specific companies or organizations can turn you into a politician who only serves their interests. True, but some politicians maintain their positions with such support. Yes. That’s something for the public to decide. Indeed, voters have to make that judgment. In this context, did those developers get any special treatment? I want to know exactly how the deregulation happened and review all the information once I’m governor. I see. Hearing this from someone not in the know makes it sound suspicious. If they don’t want to be suspected, they should be transparent and say, "Yes, they bought tickets." But saying neither yes nor no and hiding behind legal technicalities isn’t satisfying. I don’t want to be a governor who can only give such evasive answers. Understandable. Governor Koike seems very cautious about not making mistakes or being pinned down. Yes, she’s different from me in that way. You’re straightforward. She can be direct too, but she once said, "Renho is a flower in the Diet," comparing female politicians to flowers. Wow. That’s such a dated perspective, right? It shows a lack of gender sensitivity, much like the old-school LDP mindset. It was disappointing. I see. That’s quite a difference in approach. Yes, for example, when Tamogami, a former subordinate of Koike’s, suddenly criticized her at the debate, it was surprising. He claimed that people in Tsukiji were bad-mouthing her. Everyone was shocked. Yes, and her response was, "You should choose your friends better." That’s still her "exclusion" approach. Exactly. It reminded me of her stance during the Hope Party days, excluding people she didn’t agree with. Yes, I remember that. Isn’t a leader supposed to listen to all voices, even dissenting ones? True, even criticisms need to be considered. Choosing friends is not the right approach here. Right, another issue that caught my attention was about pet euthanasia. She claimed Tokyo had achieved zero euthanasia, but it seems the criteria differ from national standards. When you questioned if they were really looking at the actual situation, Governor Koike said, "These are Tokyo-specific rules based on actual circumstances." What does that mean? She created what are called "Tokyo Rules." I see. She changed the rules specifically for Tokyo, deviating from national standards. Did this happen under Governor Koike? Yes. According to the national Environmental Ministry’s standards, even pets with congenital disabilities, or those with acquired disabilities, or rescue dogs and cats with behavioral issues like biting or being unfriendly, if they are put down, it’s counted as euthanasia. So nationally, these animals are counted in euthanasia statistics. But under Tokyo Rules, animals that are difficult to handle or have medical issues are excluded from the euthanasia count. So, that’s an exclusionary rule. Exactly. According to Tokyo Rules, healthy cats and dogs are considered rehomed successfully, making the euthanasia count zero. However, if you include these excluded animals, the numbers would obviously increase. I see. So, without looking at the whole picture, you can’t accurately assess the policy’s effectiveness. If the number of excluded animals is rising, we need to address that specifically. Indeed, if those excluded cases are increasing, that’s a problem in itself. Yes. And we can’t see those numbers either. I understand. So, what do you think about achieving targets with such independent rules? It seems like they just want to fulfill their campaign promises. I see. So, does this imply that other targets among the "Seven Zero" goals might also be handled leniently? For example, with "zero waiting lists for daycare," this goal has indeed seen great efforts. Supporting daycare staff, making second-child daycare free —these are commendable policies that should continue. However, there are hidden waiting lists. Hidden waiting lists? Yes. With three children, you probably know this. When you have siblings, you want them in the same daycare, right? Yes, absolutely. But if you can’t get them into the same daycare, or if one gets into a certified daycare while the other goes to an uncertified one, the burden on parents becomes immense. Different rules, different fees, and on rainy days, parents rushing between daycares. That sounds tough. Yes, and these children who can’t get into their desired daycare aren’t counted as waiting. I see. They fall through the cracks. So, there’s a loophole here as well. Yes, this is actually a national standard. I see, so the national standards also don’t count these cases. Remember the “Childcare waiting lists, die Japan” blog post? It became a big issue, pushing the government to reduce waiting lists, but they did so by changing the counting method. Interesting. When long-term measures can’t show immediate results, they change the criteria to avoid criticism. This has been a recurring practice. They’ve done this a lot. Indeed, they’ve done it many times. So, this needs thorough examination, right? Yes, absolutely. It’s not enough to just say "100 hidden waiting children are fine," because for each parent, it’s a significant issue. We need to be empathetic to these concerns and improve the treatment of daycare staff. There are situations where there’s enough space, but not enough staff, limiting the number of children who can be accommodated. We need more daycare workers. I see, concrete measures are needed. There are still many black boxes that need to be addressed. Eight years ago, Governor Koike came into power, challenging the LDP by saying, "The Tokyo LDP Federation is a black box, we will make everything transparent, turn ‘nori-ben’ into ‘hinomaru-ben’, and ensure full information disclosure." Really, transforming "nori-ben" into "hinomaru-ben"? Yes, turning blacked-out documents into fully visible ones by just white masking instead of black. Wait, just changing the color? Yes, I was shocked. It might look brighter, but it’s not any more transparent. Exactly, it’s still not visible. That’s what it is, then. Why did this happen? Was there a lack of will, or did they hit a wall trying to implement changes? Eight years ago, opposing the LDP was seen as advantageous for elections. A strategic choice for the election? Yes. But gradually, from four years ago, aligning with figures like Hagiuda and the LDP was a strategy to win elections. Is this about the number of seats in the metropolitan assembly? Yes, initially, the Tomin First Party had more seats. They did. With the support of Komeito. I see. They had the majority, but the LDP has deep-rooted organizational strength. Each local assembly also has the LDP as the ruling party, creating extensive networks. That’s what we call organizational votes. These come into play during elections, and lacking such support is quite daunting. It’s scary not knowing how much support you have. While the LDP can predict the number of votes in each region. They can read the votes. Exactly, their base votes are predictable. Wow. Given this solid base, it was inevitable to lean towards the LDP to sustain political life. It’s a strategic move for a politician. Different from my approach. So, from the start, it wasn’t a genuine anti-LDP stance, but more of riding the wave of anti-LDP sentiment? I can’t speak for her, but that’s how it appears to me. In that case, citizens wouldn’t know what to believe. Someone who promised to fight the black box and ensure transparency is now perceived as not living up to those promises. This won’t happen to you, right, Renho-san? No, that’s why I’ve resigned from my 20-year position as a member of the Diet, left my party, and am running as an independent. It’s really scary, but I’ve decided to take the plunge. You’re really burning your bridges and committing fully to this, stepping down as a Diet member. That’s a big decision. Yes, it is. I’m unemployed right now. Oh, really? I don’t even have a business card. I see. When I receive a business card, I have to say, "Sorry, I don’t have one." You can’t hand out a card that says "Member of the House of Councillors" anymore because you’re not one. I see. I guess people didn’t realize the magnitude of your commitment. Is that so? Yes. I thought you might just go back to your old party if the election didn’t go as planned. No, I’ve resigned and am determined to win this challenge to become governor. So, you’re saying that even if you don’t become governor, you won’t return to your old party? Please don’t mention such a possibility. It would break my heart. Absolutely. Yes. So, you’re not even considering returning to your old party. After 20 years, I’ve never felt more strongly that the LDP isn’t fit to govern. Really? It wasn’t this corrupt before. I see. There have been various political and financial scandals, but each time, bipartisan legislation was enacted to close the loopholes. But now, when someone receives 30 million yen in under-the-table money and is questioned about it, they respond, "It wasn’t under-the-table money, it wasn’t income, it was in my office drawer." Yes, I remember that. That’s obviously a lie. Absolutely. Everyone would want such a drawer. Exactly. People like that are former policy chiefs, key figures in the Abe faction, and even potential prime ministers. And when it comes to revising the law, they don’t listen to the opposition’s first party, only passing it with the LDP and Komeito. Yes, that’s right. This degradation is accelerating. I see. If someone like that, backed stealthily by the LDP, is an incumbent, it’s a fight worth having. That’s crucial. Clean politics should be restored, and this election is critical to regain public trust in politicians. People feel despair and disillusionment, thinking all politicians are corrupt. When I become governor, I can propose policies directly. As an independent administrative body, unlike in the Diet where even the opposition can achieve things through bipartisan legislation, it takes over a year for laws to be drafted, debated, approved by both houses, enacted, and implemented. That’s true, it’s a long process. But society is changing rapidly. We need to protect what must be protected while also addressing urgent issues promptly. Yes. For instance, the issue of separate surnames for married couples. Prime Minister Kishida says, "The important thing is to have a debate." But we’ve been debating this for 30 years. Thirty years of debate? Yes, they say debate is important, but they decided on tax increases instantly. That’s true. And child-rearing support funds were decided quickly. They move quickly with cabinet decisions. Yes, they do. But the issue of separate surnames for married couples has been stagnant for 30 years. Your name is part of your identity and career. Differences between passport names and common names can cause issues abroad, like not being able to check into a hotel. That’s inconvenient. Having the freedom to share a last name with your partner is important. That choice should be respected. But if someone wants to keep their own surname, they should have that option without the argument that it undermines family unity. So, I want to address this in Tokyo. We already have a partnership system for same-sex couples. Let’s include opposite-sex couples who choose not to register their marriage until the law is changed, and recognize them in Tokyo. This can be done by the governor. I see. Let’s try it for a year. If nobody raises concerns about family unity being affected, we can push this model to the national level. Tokyo can set the precedent. It’s an exciting challenge. Indeed, it is. For those puzzled about why separate surnames for married couples aren’t allowed, this offers a clear demonstration. The argument against it is that it undermines family unity. And that argument is strongly supported by certain groups. Like the Unification Church. Exactly. Next Preview: Supporting young people and children has always been overlooked because they don’t vote much. So, money wasn’t invested where votes weren’t expected. But if we invest now, in a decade or so, these seeds will grow into a more engaged society. I see. In the Diet, I no longer have to deal with male politicians. It’s liberating. Wait, that sounds like a complaint about the Diet.

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